Showing posts with label Migration. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Migration. Show all posts

Tuesday, 17 September 2013

JBFAs, WWWs and BBs: returning after emigration

I left home young and not till old do I come back,
My accent is unchanged, my hair no longer black.
The children don’t know me, whom I meet on the way,
“Where do you come, sir?” they smile and say. 
- He Zhizhang, Chinese poet
Emigrants - involuntary, economic migrants - leave home to find a better life, a life their own countries are unable to offer; they see little future at home. This is the situation in most newly-independent states. For example, Ireland on average has annually shed half of those coming into its labour market since the foundation of the state. Young, energetic, idealistic people do not want to be members of a dole line, so they seek a better life elsewhere.

Leaving home was and still is not an easy task. However, having decided they feel they have to go after informing their near and dear. In this way they leave by the "front door" rather than steal away by the “back door.” On leaving, looking back over their shoulders, a desire to return wells up in their hearts and minds. Their relatives, friends and neighbours try to lighten the departure by saying, "Well, you’ll be back when things get better"; but they know from past experience that the vast majority will return only on holidays. The older generation are aware of the emigrant music from the past that says, "When there are better days in Ireland, I’ll come home and marry you."

With modern communication, today's emigrants can assume that return is easy. That assumption may persist for a time after departure but sooner or later emigrants realise that return may not be possible and, even if possible, is not that easy to accomplish. The development of branch, small-populated island economies like Ireland depends on investment from the trunk economies. If that happens, as it does now and then - as in Celtic Tiger Ireland - limited opportunities of return are possible.

But like emigration itself, return migration is a risky business. Frequently, emigrants return without adequate information. Returning on holidays, generally in summer time, gives emigrants a false economic mirage of home and the possibility of return. There is usually a great welcome for those returning on holidays. Returning on holidays one is asked, "Where are you now, when are you going back?" Mentally, for people at home an emigrant has become an outsider, "away somewhere". They have a tourist-brochure memory of where the emigrant lives now; the emigrant has a tourist-brochure memory of where they have come from and wish to return to. Indeed, an emigrant may still, even after many years, assume home is still where they left. Many work elsewhere but are emotionally "at home" in the country they emigrated from.

So, the experience of return may not be as smooth as one assumed. Returning emigrants will have to describe themselves, just as they had to in the countries they lived in. Emigration challenges one to define oneself, and so too does return migration. In most instances return will be from a developed, trunk economy to a less-developed one. Returning emigrants will define themselves in their conversations as a "Just back from abroad" (JBFA) or a "When we were" (WWW). The locals may describe the returnees as "Blow backs" (BBs) arriving to take advantage of the progress that happened while they were away.

One of the most important aspects of return is the opportunity for returnees to tell their stories of abroad to those who did not emigrate and for the latter to share those stories of what happened at home in the interim. However, returning from abroad brings with it the challenge of re-integration. The country one left - even if only for a couple of years - has not stood still. It may have progressed, or its economy may have regressed as in Ireland’s case. During the settling-in process comparisons are made, irritation is expressed and discomfort with what one thought was familiar surfaces. Usually, differences are seen as irritant inefficiencies. Cultural differences in the networks of life and in getting things done are described in a negative way. Those who have remained at home become irritated by such criticism and may describe such behaviour as arrogant, overbearing and insulting from an "outsider." We returnees should listen to the advice of Chibundu Onuzo, "We are arriving as partners, not lords and masters. So let tread softly and tread humbly."

So, for happy landings:

  • Availability of objective information about emigration and return migration
  • A general awareness of migration by both returnee and resident
  • Initiate a forum of welcome in which a dialogue can happen between locals and returnees
  • Local agencies monitor and reach out to returnees
  • Governments need to realise that emigration and return are not quirks of human fecklessness.
  • As emigrants bring gifts to new economies, returnees bring gifts too.
  • Respect, tolerance and humility on all sides helps.
The boy came home from a foreign land,
Weary and wan with his staff in hand;
Five years’ absence left their trace
On golden hair, and on sunny face…
He entered his home with footsteps slow-
His friends forgot him, would his parents know? 
- 'The Return,' Patrick MacGill

Monday, 10 June 2013

Immigration Obsession: why scapegoat the most vulnerable to protect the most powerful?


"My government will bring forward a bill that further reforms Britain’s immigration system. The bill will ensure that this country attracts people who will contribute and deters those who will not." (Queen’s Speech, 07/05/13) 
The decline of the Conservative Party in the recent local elections in Britain reflects the general decline in support for traditional moderate governments throughout Europe. New parties have emerged, usually more conservative than the traditional parties. They are attracting large swaths of the electorate in their desire to capture an imagined idyllic past – through which they are defining themselves usually by their dislike of others, rather than by what they like about themselves. The rise of these new political parties and their attraction arises from the powerlessness many people are experiencing due to the failure of the economy experienced by them in bleak high streets and  neighbourhoods bereft of hope. The centralisation of power has made local government administration impotent. 

Also, since the inauguration of the European Union people feel further distant from the centres of power. The architects of the European Union had a greater sense of participation in mind for the people of Europe. However, individual member governments, European institutions and those appointed to manage the European project have failed to connect with the citizens of Europe. Over the years political leaders have consistently assured the public that they wish to be at the heart of Europe. However, when failure looms on the horizon of individual states, national politicians use the European Union as a whipping boy for these failures. As a result, there are huge vacuums in people’s lives in that they find it hard to identify with any meaningful signs and symbols that are assuring and comforting. Actually, people don’t know who to believe anymore and in that situation look for scapegoats to vent their frustrations on. 

Emerging political parties fill these vacuums of fear and hope by pointing the finger of blame at the weaker and vulnerable sections of societies that usually do not have a voice. Worse still, the mainstream political parties compete for popularity not by offering alternate policies but by depicting themselves as equally extreme as their opponents. In post-election government formation, mainstream parties are forming coalitions with extreme parties. In doing so the mainstream party has to compromise many of its principles of toleration, respect for diversity and protection of the weak.

Immigrants are the new weak, the new enemy. One economic publication in the recent past went so far as to blame immigrants for the banking crisis. One of the basic tenets of the European Union guarantees the free movement of people. Yet, so many citizens are ignorant of that fact. They resent the presence of other nationals working in their neighbourhoods yet see no contradiction in their own sons and daughters emigrating to seek work abroad. Their political leaders are slow in correcting misinformation among their constituents regarding the presence of immigrants and the contribution they make in local economies and their economies at home. Aspirants in emerging political parties latch onto perceived grievances among the population and exploit them for their own advancement. Extreme structural solutions are offered to deter immigrants such as withdrawal from the European Union and other international agreements.

Respecting the equality of difference

 

These attitudes by political leaders feed into racism that is so rampant throughout Europe. When anti-immigrant atrocities are committed blame is put on the perpetrators and rightly so. But the perpetrators of such atrocities have been listening to and are affirmed in their extremism by the comments of politicians and policies of their governments. Equally, it is evident in some situations of anti-immigrant violence that law and order institutions are slow to bring charges and convict such people. There are instances of such procrastination throughout Europe in the recent past – and presently in Germany – to bring people who have committed crimes against immigrants to justice. The remnants of ethnic inequality are deep-seated in European colonial culture. Justice for indigenous populations was not central in European imperial rule. It takes a determined effort for Europeans to respect the equality of difference and treat it accordingly. 

Many European governments are gestating new immigration legislation in the face of the disastrous effects of their economic policies. Again, highlighting the need to reform immigration policy is a diversion from real issues of unemployment, housing shortage and health services. It serves a purpose in that it feeds populist neo-fascism, creating an atmosphere of fear in immigrant communities and slowing the process of integration. Young immigrants who feel excluded from the mainstream tend to identify with global extremist movements that compete with neo-fascism.

The Queen’s Speech at the opening of the British parliament last week mentioned “a fair society that rewards people who work hard…a society where people are properly rewarded…reforming the benefits system…a fairer society where aspiration and responsibility are rewarded…a bill that further reforms immigration…will ensure that this country attracts people who will contribute and deter those who will not.” Has nobody woken up to the fact that immigrants globally remitted $500 billion last year to their home nations? That kind of money was not generated by people who want to be on the dole or unemployed. Even Britain was a net winner in the remittance merry-go-round, having received $8 billion. 

Why scapegoat the most vulnerable to protect the most powerful?

 

On reading the Queen’s speech one could be led to think that immigrants, the unemployed and those on benefits were the ones who brought about the present economic crisis that has devastated the lives of so many. There is no mention of the mandarins whose policies and practices in the banking system, the market and the media are shameful. They are not being asked to act responsibly. Nor are they sanctioned or regulated as to the way they disproportionately reward themselves and avoid taxes. Is it right to make a few hundred people redundant in order to increase and maintain executive salaries and bonuses? Is it just and ethical to recognise and condone havens that enable tax avoidance on profits made on British, European and American high streets? Are those who are annually paid millions because they’re “worth it” more deserving than those who struggle on low wages because they are immigrants, not good enough or not working hard enough? Why scapegoat the most vulnerable to protect the most powerful?

But it is a trend at present to cast protest groups that are highlighting inequality as irrational. These groups are pointing the finger at feral elites who have taken control of the corridors of power and who, by effective lobbying, tilt economic policies to protect their interests. This is borne out by many commentators such as Ha-Joon Chang who wrote recently:
"In Britain the coalition government constantly slags off those welfare slobs in the working class suburbs, sleeping off their hard night’s slog with Sky Sports and online casinos…In the Eurozone, many believe that its fiscal crisis can be ultimately traced back to those lazy Mediterraneans in Greece and Spain, who had lived off hard-working Germans and Dutch, spending their time sipping espresso and card games. Unless those people start working hard, it is said, the Eurozone problems cannot be fixed." (The Guardian, 29/1/13)
Others are making similar remarks. George Monbiot writes,  
"Many of those who rule us do not in their hearts belong here. They belong to a different culture, a different world, which knows as little of its own acts as it knows of those who suffer them." (The Guardian, 28/01/13)
Slavoj Zizek notes that those who formulate the present economic policies brand all protesters as irrational: 
"...the protesters know very well what they don't know; they don't pretend to have fast and easy answers; but what their instinct is telling them is nonetheless true – that those in power also don't know it. In Europe today, the blind are leading the blind." (The Guardian, 16/01/13)
Vanessa Baird refreshes our memories when she writes:  
"The political response to the 2008 financial crisis-first to bail out the banks, then to cut public spending-has produced the crowning irony of our times: those who made the mess have come out virtually unscathed while the rest of us are being punished…The corporate rich, especially those linked to finance, have governments in their pockets." (New Internationalist, January 2013)
Pope Francis too has commented on the economic crisis; 
"The financial crisis that we are experiencing makes us forget that its ultimate origin is to be found in a profound human crisis…We have created new idols. The worship of the Golden Calf of old has found a new and heartless image in the cult of money and the dictatorship of an economy which is faceless and lacks any human goal…This imbalance results from ideologies which uphold the absolute of markets and financial speculation and thus deny the right of control to states, which are themselves charged with providing for the common good…in which human beings are now considered consumer goods…Money has to serve, not rule." (16/05/13)

An offshore reality isolated from regulation and the common good

So, the challenge that confronts the leaders of modernity is to imagine a different future of peace, justice and prosperity. Otherwise, ghosts of a European past in the form of protectionism, extreme nationalism, racism, ethno-centrism and exclusion will haunt the mean culturally-bleached, abandoned European high streets. But, the paradigm and the construct of colonisation as described by Albert Memmi is being recycled to justify a new era of global inequality dominated by a few who put themselves in an offshore reality isolated from regulation and the common good.            
"The mythical portrait of the colonised therefore includes an unbelievable laziness, and that of the coloniser, a virtuous taste for action. At the same time the coloniser suggests that employing the colonised is not very profitable, thereby authorising his unreasonable wages." (Albert Memmi, The Coloniser and the Colonised)
"Mankind’s responsibility cannot be left to some outside power or to a god. On the contrary, people must commit themselves in terms of their personal, individual human responsibility." (Stephane Hessel, Time for Outrage)